Two candidates: Silvan Shalom and Dalia Itzik ran a campaign behind the scenes. They briefed senior journalists (print, radio, television, opinion leaders). They did not stand in front of the cameras while giving them the opportunity to ask them questions and announced, "Here I am. I'm running.".
Silvan Shalom went further, when in a telephone interview a few months ago on a radio station (on the day of the opening of the Safed hospital, I believe) he told the interviewer that people had approached him and suggested that he run for president, and he, in turn, consulted with journalists in the Knesset, and the latter advised him that he was a very suitable candidate. In other words, he consulted with journalists, but at no point did he officially and publicly stand before the journalists and say that he was running. What kind of behavior is this?
Dalia Itzik made it even worse, because until the moment she submitted her candidacy forms, she did not say anything officially, and from that moment on she refused to be interviewed or answer questions.
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Ben-Eliezer also harmed himself by dodging the question he was asked about the apartment in Jaffa. Anyone who dodges ("it's gossip") suggests to viewers/journalists that they should actually keep asking and checking.
Meir Sheetrit was interviewed all the time, but he disclosed his wealth too little, too late.
I wish for all of us that no candidate for a senior position in Israel would reach the top without being interviewed and/or holding a press conference. This is a minimum standard. It is only because of this fact that Itzik became unworthy.
again, The lesson of asset disclosure is already obvious. Now it remains to continue to insist and not give in to elected officials. Introducing a standard of a full capital declaration that is exposed to the public eye is essential.
The goal is twofold:
1) Create a baseline of elected officials at the beginning of their careers, so that it will be possible to monitor the accumulation of property over the years and ask the appropriate questions if there is enrichment that appears extreme.
2) Allowing for monitoring conflicts of interest and the declaration of capital serves here as a deterrent for the public figure.
Many MKs I have approached in the past and asked to see their capital declarations have refused. The few who have disclosed have done so by releasing the data they saw fit, without me being able to see their full capital declaration form.
The only MK who let me into his office in the Knesset and pulled out the completed form (the same form that is deposited in the Knesset Ethics Committee vault) is Moshe Mizrahi (Labor). It is also worth mentioning and praising in this area former Minister Miki Eitan, who always made sure to act with complete transparency and even used to upload his personal data to his website/Facebook page.
Third, the Yesh Atid faction behaved strangely. Minister Lapid chose not to stir the presidential election cauldron and yesterday in the Knesset also seemed not particularly interested in what was happening. He entered the second round of voting a few minutes before his name was called and left immediately afterwards. Later, he did not stay in the Knesset for the festive ceremony in Chagall Hall. To an observer from the sidelines, he really does seem busy and in a hurry, and one must assume that he has more important things to do than ceremonies. On the other hand, presidential elections happen once every seven years. Does he not take part in the democratic process? Not even a little?
quarter, many have written and said before. Avigdor Lieberman receives a failing final certificate at the end of the political year. On the certificate, you can fill in "F", if it was a school. In the first semester he did not do very well (Barkat N. Leon in Jerusalem). In the second semester, the failure is already resonating.
Was his power in his hands as long as the threats of the 'rule of law gang' hovered over his head, and now that he has ended long years of police persecution (as he called it) has the power gone too? Behind the scenes, there is talk that Uzi Landau and Yair Shamir are not at all subservient to the rigid factionalism in Yisrael Beiteinu, and anyway Yisrael Beiteinu has in recent years been a tag along with Likud and has not been independently tested at the polls. What is the market value of this party? What is Lieberman's power in the public when he comes out from behind the broad back of Likud? And how does all this fit in with Lieberman - that sometimes 'the Arabs can march to Ramallah and stay there' and sometimes he is 'I support a political settlement and I am conciliatory'?
Fifth and final note
Is there a consistent pattern here? President Peres lost to Katsav 14 years ago and won the next runoff. President Rivlin lost to President Peres 7 years ago and won the next runoff. Does this mean that Meir Sheetrit is the next president of Israel?
If this is indeed his intention, I suggest he make a neat and detailed disclosure of all the wealth and professional achievements (and connections) of his wife Ruthie. And preferably one hour earlier.
From Column B'Tal Schneider's blog':
Tal Schneider
Political blogger 'The Plough' • Journalist
[email protected]
