If there is one reform that is truly a shame that was not promoted during the term of the outgoing Knesset, it is the reform that was not in the terrible system of government in Israel.
Don't believe the spinsters of Yesh Atid or Yisrael Beiteinu, who are trying to turn the partial governance law passed by the Knesset into a real change in the system of government. No change and no shoes. All they did was raise the threshold. It's a significant increase - unprecedented - from 2 percent to 3.5 percent, and yet this minor change will not solve the many ills that the last term exposed.
This means that in any case the next coalition will have at least five factions. If Netanyahu were to form it, there is a reasonable chance that it would be as harmonious and functional as the outgoing coalition. Imagine: Kahlon and Netanyahu, Lieberman and Netanyahu, Deri and Netanyahu - in each of these pairs, there are reservoirs of suspicion and hostility that are no less than those that have sustained us all in the ongoing crisis of the Lapid and Netanyahu duo.
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So many parties will also be in the next coalition, there will be bad blood - so what are we actually doing here? What difference does it make if the coalition crisis over the budget is between Bibi and Yair or between Bibi and Kahlon?
By the way, the possibility that Netanyahu will not form the next coalition will not stabilize things. Quite the opposite. To oust Netanyahu, a triple or quadruple coalition of parties of similar size will be needed. Go decide now who will lead, who will navigate, and who will lead. Maybe rotation. Well, that's a proven recipe for increasing governance.
Israeli politics has lost its axioms. The axiom that the center of the map is occupied by two major parties, Likud and Labor, collapsed long ago; the axiom that a new party cannot suddenly break out and become the ruling party collapsed when Kadima was founded, and the one that claimed that a major party cannot disappear in an instant collapsed when Kadima faded away.
What does this mean: that there are many without rules. What makes Herzog a more likely candidate for prime minister than Kahlon? What makes you think that Likud will necessarily be the largest party, and not Jewish Home? It has already been proven in recent election campaigns that good momentum in the last week of the campaign can sometimes be worth ten seats.
No new politics won in the previous elections. New politicians yes, politics unfortunately - no.
As long as the government in Israel is derived from a complicated system of legal agreements between four, five or six rival bodies that also compete with each other along the way, there is no chance of reaching "governmental stability," the coveted summit of Olympus for politicians.
We shouldn't get emotional when we look at a government that is giving up its soul. They are politicians, they will manage. It is also permissible to think about what could have happened here if the current conduct had been a little more businesslike.
It is permissible to regret the inability of the people who received the mandate from us to get along with each other or to see through the latest poll data. The current system of government in Israel has gone bankrupt. The 20-month government that served until the coup, suddenly disappeared as if it had never existed - proved this more than anything.
The prime minister is known for his ability to detail the security threats facing Israel down to the last one. Netanyahu starts with Iran, from there he slides to ISIS, approaches the region with Hezbollah and Hamas, does not forget the threat in Sinai and the dangers in Jordan, until every corner of the region is illuminated and mentioned.
He doesn't usually dwell on the possibility that with a collapsing political system and a bankrupt electoral system, it is difficult to provide a solution to such complex problems, and it is doubtful to what extent it is possible to help with everyday troubles.
