The State of Israel is going through one of the most difficult periods since the founding of the state. On October 7, there was not a single Israeli who thought or felt differently. The fear and awe that gripped the citizens of the state on the day of the terrorist attack caused many Israelis to fear for their fate.
A moment after the initial shock wore off, we saw the beauty of the people of Israel, revealed in many areas in all its glory. From people who risked their lives to save, to organizations and people who gave of their wealth and strength without any return.
But what stood out above all was the national unity that prevailed in every corner and sector. Such is the way of the Israelites: to unite and rally in times of trouble. For a moment it seemed that the enemy in Gaza was meeting a united Israeli fist that was being wielded to destroy it.
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Unfortunately, it was only for a moment...
In a reformed world, the state and its citizens were supposed to stop and deal primarily with the enemy who rose up against us to destroy us, and with all the severe side effects that followed the disaster that befell us. But in the State of Israel, which was mired in polarization and severe divisions before the war, there are several elements who are concerned with continuing the internal bickering even when the guns are roaring.
Common sense dictates that during a time of war, and especially when the bereaved family keeps growing, any political issue should be angrily tossed to the sidelines. But when the media joins a vociferous minority that will not hesitate to do anything, the noise of politics overwhelms the din of war.
Who would have believed that during the war we would have to hear endless insults about a prime minister who is constantly busy eliminating the enemy, or see a party leader resign from the government simply because he did not receive the honors and manners that he believed he deserved. The subversion and the meticulous briefings from within the cabinet are also newsworthy, outrageous and infuriating.
If that weren't enough, here comes the biggest minefield - recruiting ultra-Orthodox Jews.
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For decades, the debate over the conscription of the ultra-Orthodox has rolled from government to government. It was clear to everyone that the loaded and complex minefield would have to undergo a "controlled explosion" at some point, but both sides - the ultra-Orthodox and the secular - found it convenient to push the snowball further, toward the next station. All sides understood that if they wanted to bridge the gap between the position of the ultra-Orthodox, who strongly oppose conscription, and the position of the secular, who aspire to force the ultra-Orthodox into the Israeli melting pot, long and tedious work was needed that could take years, and perhaps even longer.
Common sense dictates that such a charged and sensitive issue should be addressed in a calm and relaxed atmosphere. But once again, it turns out that when politics enters the picture, and when the main goal is to overthrow the government, the issue of conscription becomes a cruel weapon that is not afraid to crush Israeli society, even while the blood of the war dead does not stop.
Every sensible person understands that it is impossible to solve a decades-old "problem" in one moment, especially not during a war. But for those who incite strife and debate, this is exactly the time to dance on the Israeli sentiment that hurts the pain of the fall of its fighters by demanding that the ultra-Orthodox be mobilized here and now.
I expect nothing from the High Court of Justice and the people of 'Kaplan'. The High Court judges, who often and unjustly boast of the title of "the responsible big brother," were supposed to postpone the issue until after the war, but the glorification of their names caused them to add fuel to the burning fire and demand a government decision during the war.
The Kaplanists, who just a moment ago threatened to refuse, suddenly desire the mobilization of the Haredim, and are pushing with all their might to overthrow the government.
I expected more from the religious public, which has been the victim of more than one Israeli left-wing attack. From a public that has felt the loathing and scorn for their way of life, it was expected that they would stand to the right of the Haredim when they were indoctrinating the public with the Haredi way of life. In practice, it is the religious public that sets the most forceful tone, the one that demands the mobilization of Haredim here and now. It seems that they too have fallen into the trap of hatred and polarization. A trap that could lead them too to the opposition benches.
With all the immense sorrow for the best sons who fell in the war to defend the country, sorrow cannot serve as a reason to hate Haredim, even if they do so with a broad smile.
If all this goodness had stopped within the country's borders, perhaps we could have swallowed the pill. But when we see how the United States and the nations of the world are exploiting the internal Israeli conflict to stop the justified war, and when we think about the northern front that could flare up in an instant and exact heavy prices from us - it's time to shout loudly: Enough with the internal divisions that are destroying us all at home and abroad!
