The street battles in the Likud have begun: The struggle over the portfolios remaining in the Likud's hands will fill WordPress programs and occupy Facebook statuses andTweeters on Twitter.
This is not just a war on the road, who gets around whom on a roundabout, and who knows how to build the biggest interchange (well, everyone understood, Israel Katz builds the interchanges and no one will mess with the bulldozer) - but it is a fight of car horns, flags and symbols.
For example, the Miri-Van, the same heavy, colorful van that drove MK Miri Regev around Israel during the campaign, and which, according to some of those involved, brought Likud enthusiasm, spirit, and a good number of seats from across the country. The blue van, which was approved (budgetarily and ideologically) by the Likud leadership, was a source of pride for the Likud and even imitation by other parties.
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During the campaign, there was no dispute about the success of Operation Miri-Van. The media coverage surrounding it was also extensive.
But in retrospect? Suddenly there are those in the prime minister's circle who remember that this van was decorated (intentionally or unintentionally, today it doesn't matter) with pictures of Miri Regev only. "Even if the van was made in coordination, people are angry in retrospect that there wasn't a single picture of Netanyahu on it," a person who was exposed to internal conversations in Netanyahu's circle told me.
Too many pictures of Regev, not a single picture of Netanyahu. Who did this van help at all? Who did it carry on its shoulders? The success of the campaign on wheels has been put on a screeching halt. Suddenly it looks like a flat tire and not something that slid down the roads with pleasure and applause.
And so things pile up to Regev's credit.
One - her solo photo; two - her statements from the recent past.I will stage a coup against him if he doesn't appoint me as minister."; Three - the warm relations with Gideon Saar. All of these are counted in the panknesos when the time comes to appoint the Likud leaders to ministerial positions.
The roles are few and the demands are sky-high.
I contacted MK Regev for a response and she told me: "All the evil spirits, those people who are trying to promote themselves at my expense, will not help them this time. My position in the primaries and the number of mandates I added to Likud during the elections, as well as my conduct during the election campaign and the personal training I created with Netanyahu, pave the way for the position of senior minister.".
""I trust Netanyahu that I will receive a worthy and suitable position for me, and all the talk, through which they are trying to drive a wedge between me and the Prime Minister, these are just desperate attempts.".
A Likud spokesman responded: "The Roadside Shooting Project was an initiative of the Likud's information headquarters as part of the election campaign. This is a successful field project, which helped the Likud victory by all accounts. Any attempt to present Another picture "And any anonymous statements from so-called insiders are simply not true.".
Who will get what?
How will the portfolios really be divided within the Likud? After several phone calls, here are some insights:
- Moshe Bogy Ya'alon, Minister of Defense.
- There is broad agreement that Yuval Steinitz and Gilad Erdan will receive the portfolios they desire. The main priorities (minus the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of Education): Internal Security and Economy (TamT). Justice is neither desired nor required by either of them.
- No one is willing to be deputy minister. Not Gila Gamliel, not Miri Regev, not Tzipi Hotovely. Nor are others like Tzachi Hanegbi, Yariv Levin, Danny Danon, and others. The position of deputy minister is without rights or abilities. Take, for example, the person who will be deputy minister of communications, under the person who may be minister of communications (Netanyahu).
Any move that the deputy minister wants to lead will need the signature of the minister - Netanyahu. Ofir Akunis is being talked about as the leading candidate for deputy minister of communications, but that is not certain.
- Minister of Justice: Not Yariv Levin, not Zeev Elkin, not Gilad Erdan, not Yuval Steinitz, not Israel Katz, not Tzachi Hanegbi. Who remains? Benny Begin or Gila Gamliel. The first is a geologist, may be well-liked and very acceptable to the legal system, but unexpected and very independent from Netanyahu's perspective. The second, has a bachelor's and master's degree in law, without any practical legal experience. Gamliel has said in the past that she is applying only for service positions and will not agree to be appointed deputy minister under any circumstances.
- Welfare: There are a large number of people who would be happy to be appointed to the welfare portfolio. Regev is one of them, provided that this portfolio is expanded to also include responsibility for daycare centers and early childhood education and/or Amidar (public housing).
- Internal Security: There is conflicting evidence here. On the one hand, I learned that Gilad Erdan prefers this portfolio. On the other hand, he apparently prefers the economy. It is difficult to track and this has of course changed many times due to agreements with other coalition partners. If Erdan is not in this portfolio, then almost everyone in the Likud leadership, including Regev, including Danon, would want it.
- The Ministry of Negev and Galilee Development, Water, Energy, Infrastructure and Regional Development, which is actually four government ministries all held by Silvan Shalom, may be split up again and divided up among those who stand in line and put the most pressure on the remnants. Silvan will likely be left with the central part of this business: the energy and water market.
- Who will be the Minister of Tourism? (Levin?)
- Who will be the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee? (Dichter?)
- Who will be the coalition chairman? A difficult question. Jacqui Levy and/or David Bitan with a massive overlap with Elkin over the next six months.
warning: All of the above is just estimates. Nothing is final until it is final. The closer we get to the end of the negotiations, the more things look like, but as mentioned – not final.
When the Minister of Education 'had a crisis''
And for dessert, the real sweet treat of this post:
Towards Bennett's entry into the position of Minister of Education And after what we've seen in recent months That he believes all sorts of promises given to him in closed oral conversations, without taking the time to nail, string, nail down, and anchor those flowery promises in writing and publicly - so here's a fine historical anecdote.
Sometimes, even when you close things out in writing, it doesn't help.
Shavit Ben-Aryeh, the grandson of the late Moshe Zanber (Zandberg), who was in charge of budgets at the Ministry of Finance and the economic advisor to Finance Ministers Sapir and Eshkol – happened to find the following letter.
Education Minister Zalman Aran sent the letter to Prime Minister Levi Eshkol in 1966. The nervous language of threats, which emerges from every line of the text, brings a smile in retrospect.
Aran (Mapai), who at this point was already a seasoned and seasoned education minister, "suffered a crisis," as you can see, and threatened to resign from the government because of budget commitments that were not delivered. It is worth holding out on the text of the implied threats until the end of the letter.
"Where there is no way out, there is an exit.",
"You will have no choice but to cut.",
"I avoided mentioning names, I skimped on definitions, I also skimped on description. I will also skimp on warnings.".
Thank you very much Shavit!
From Tal Schneider's blog: http://www.talschneider.com/
