On Sunday morning, the 6th of Nissan 5750, in the midst of the distribution of dollars, Kol Yisrael reporter Oded Ben Ami passed by the Lubavitcher Rebbe.
The following is the exchange that took place on that occasion:
Oded Ben Ami: "What is the Rebbe's opinion on the matter of there being no government in Israel right now?"
The Rebbe: "The good side of this is that during the time there is no official government, matters depend on Mr. Shamir, and I hope that he will stand firm so that there will be the integrity of the people, the integrity of the territories, and the integrity of the entire land together with the integrity of the Torah, since it depends on each other."
Oded Ben Ami: "So it would be better for Mr. Shamir to be Prime Minister"?
The Rebbe: "I don't get involved in politics. And what's more, I hope that soon and immediately the Prime Minister there will be our righteous Messiah. But in the moments until the Messiah comes, then the system must be the same as his system was, that it is impossible to give up even though it is from all the territories, and to do it peacefully. Because precisely through this there will be peace in the country, and in the surroundings of the country, which is not the case when they start giving up - there is no end to it, and no matter how much they give them, it will increase the appetite of the Israel-haters to give them more and more, and this will actually lead to the opposite of peace and peace."
The Rebbe's clear words were broadcast in full on the morning program of 'Kol Yisrael' on Monday morning, the 7th of Nissan, and quickly caused a strong wind to the point of completely thwarting the possibility of establishing a 'Maarah' government headed by Peres.
The fact that the words were not delivered in the Rebbe's name or as a rumor passed from mouth to mouth, but were broadcast in the Rebbe's voice created a domino effect: Avraham Werdiger, chairman of the PA and third in the Agudat Yisrael faction, and Eliezer Mizrahi, as mentioned, a Chabad follower - announced that they would not be able to support the formation of a government headed by Peres.
This was a government that had actually already been announced ahead of its presentation in the Knesset plenum, which relied on 61 votes – and suddenly it was torpedoed before it was even sworn in.
Rabbi Leibel Kaplan heard nothing about this through the usual "official channels"; he was not told a single word from the Rebbe's secretariat, and he was completely unaware that the Rebbe had expressed his Holiness's opinion regarding political matters in a manner different from the opinion presented in his name so far (namely: that Chabad does not interfere in politics and does not express a position on political issues, and the operative mandate on political issues is given solely to the Council of Torah Sages).
The background to the disappointment with Shamir
What really happened? How did the Rebbe, for months, agree to the entire series of contacts that my friend Rabbi Kaplan is conducting with the heads of the political system, which clearly lead to what they are - for one would have to be blind not to see and discern the significance of these contacts - and Rabbi Kaplan even details and pours out his anguish and fears about the meanings and interpretations of the very continuation of the contacts; why did the Rebbe choose, throughout this period, not to halt the process, not to cancel the meetings, not to withdraw from the contacts, and not to sever ties with those political elements? How did he allow MK Eliezer Mizrahi to vote against the government in a vote of no confidence (as decided by the Council of Torah Elders) and thus be an active partner in the overthrow of the government headed by Shamir? And what happened in the end, a few days before the presentation of Peres' designated government, when everything changed?
My littleness. My heart was not haughty, my eyes were not lofty, and I did not walk in greatness and wonder beyond my own. Yes, it is possible to review and detail the events as they occurred, in the sense of "the body of the deed that was done" - and the reader's conclusions will be at his own risk. In any case, my words should in no way be seen as an "interpretation" or an attempt to understand a higher mind.
Below is a sequence of relevant events - most of which I remember well and some of which were added to my knowledge on various occasions over time, while I verified their truth and collected tile by tile, until the circumstantial and factual mosaic was completed, as I have outlined herein.
The review takes us back to Iyar 5749, a few months after the 5749 elections. The Shamir government announced its intention to initiate 'peace talks' with Palestinian representatives from among the residents of Yesha who would be elected in free elections. This was a mandatory response, as a result of aggressive pressure exerted by the American administration, under the leadership of President George Bush (senior) and his Secretary of State James Baker. Their policy was clearly pro-Arab and neither of them were among Israel's supporters, to say the least.
They did everything in their power to crack the fortified wall called "Yitzhak Shamir" and at a certain point he had no choice but to announce in advance his willingness to "flex" and allow a "peace process" within the framework of which he would enter into negotiations. Shamir tried to soften the evil of the decree by demanding that it be a Palestinian representation from among the residents of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip, and on the condition that those representatives be elected through a democratic process for which internal elections would be held in Judea and Samaria.
The severity of this agreement cannot be overstated. For up until then, all Israeli governments, for generations, had not recognized the legitimacy of the 'Palestinian people.' Even Menachem Begin, who signed the unfortunate 'Camp David' agreement that included the Arab autonomy plan in the territories of Yesha, portrayed it as part of the peace agreements concluded between Israel and Egypt - without granting legitimacy to a 'Palestinian representation' that would be recognized and that Israel would recognize and negotiate with it over territories. This principled and precedent-setting concession was indeed conditioned on holding internal elections in the Arab villages and settlements in Yesha; Shamir hoped that this condition would postpone the end, due to the complicated difficulty of putting this into practice. He explained to the world that this was the only way to ensure that a credible and authorized representation would indeed be established.
In practice, this was a tangible achievement for Palestinian propaganda. Only two years and days passed, and in the midst of the term of the narrow government that Shamir had established (after the crisis that is the subject of this chapter) - and the American administration made a "V" and convened the 'Madrid Conference', to which Shamir arrived at the head of an Israeli delegation and opposite him - alongside representatives of Arab countries, an official Palestinian delegation also appeared for the first time.
This development was met with great displeasure by the Rebbe, who expressed deep disappointment at the Israeli collapse. On 26 Tammuz 5789, the Rebbe delivered a poignant and painful sermon in which he expressed a firm demand to preserve all that is in the Land of Israel and to repel any attempt at concessions that could lead to a security disaster.
"Shamir turned his skin"
About six months later, in Cheshvan 5750, the then government secretary (and later Supreme Court judge) Elyakim Rubinstein passed before the Rebbe. Rubinstein himself was privileged to maintain close contact with the Rebbe and Lubavitch for years, mainly through the secretary, Rabbi Benjamin Klein. Among other things, he was the one who kept the Rebbe informed of every step during the discussions and formation of the Camp David Accords.
It is no wonder, therefore, that even now, he approached with courage and reverence, and according to the testimony of all those present (and as can be largely seen in the video recording), his body language conveyed the appreciation and respect he felt for the Rebbe. When he stood before the Rebbe, he chose to begin by speaking about the hope of soon amending the law on "Who is a Jew?", an issue that the Rebbe had fought for for years, and Rubinstein knew that in the Rebbe's eyes this was an important and fundamental issue. However, the Rebbe immediately diverted the conversation and spoke about the integrity of the land. In the midst of his words, the Rebbe expressed his pain by saying that Shamir had "turned his skin."
These words resonated. Rebbe Yitzhak Shamir's declared disappointment was, therefore, well known to anyone who was interested.
To everyone, the reality emerged that, with regard to political issues, there was not much distance, and certainly not a significant one, between Peres and Shamir; the thought of the ultra-Orthodox politicians entering a coalition with Peres did not seem like "crossing lines" or reinforcing a polar policy, and therefore was not unfounded.
These events opened a small window - which Peres wisely took advantage of. He turned to his friend Rabbi Chaim-Yehuda Rabinowitz and asked to get to know and meet Chabad activists and rabbis. The latter referred Peres' people to Rabbi Leibel Kaplan, who reported this to the Rebbe and from then on coordinated the conversations and contacts.
The contacts between Chabad and Peres and his people became friendly and intensive and reached a new level at a meeting held at Rabbi Rabinowitz's house on the outskirts of the Mattersdorf neighborhood of Jerusalem.
At this meeting, besides the owner of the house, were present: Rabbi Kaplan, the brother of the late businessman Rabbi Berel Rabinowitz, and my brother Rabbi Tuvia Blau. I learned about the meeting and made aliyah to Jerusalem with my friend Rabbi Barka Wolf. Although we were not among the participants in the meeting, we entered the entrance room of the house and remained there during it.
At that meeting, the only issue raised and discussed was the 'Who is a Jew' law and the Chabad demand for its complete amendment. To the best of my memory, Peres listened to the words and explanations that were conveyed to him, and finally said: I ask you only one thing. Do not interfere. And when a government is formed under my leadership, I will amend and pass this law.
A Pharisee travels to the Rabbi.
Another MK who knew how much Agudat Yisrael needed Chabad and knew that the party was forbidden to take any step "even if it means doing so" without the Rebbe's approval and consent was then-Knesset member Menachem Porush, who traveled to the Rebbe specifically to update him on the initiative being developed and to ask for his consent to the negotiations being developed and the intention to overthrow the government and establish a coalition government headed by Peres in its place.
Porush was a veteran and experienced politician and was considered one of the senior architects of the move to overthrow the government and the Persian queen under Shamir. He himself expressed himself years later, in a press interview with Yom Hashishi, with undisguised pride and without a trace of regret: "The stinking exercise is mine. I was one of its initiators and I promoted it as much as I could. Unfortunately, due to things that were completely out of my control, it failed to materialize."
Porush was well acquainted with the Rebbe's holy opinion on all public issues. I learned that precisely in view of the precedent-setting sensitivity of the issue at hand, and precisely because he understood the tremendous importance of the Rebbe's consent, Porush did not want to settle for anything less than a personal conversation with the Rebbe on this issue, face to face. He wanted to hear with his own ears, without any mediation of any kind, the holy voice of the Rebbe answering the question: What is his holy opinion regarding the contacts and the possibility that the unity government will fall and be replaced by a left-wing government headed by Peres and with the participation of the Haredim?
Porush also knew how to create an opportunity to directly ask the Rebbe this fundamental question - and showed up for the Mincha prayer at the Rebbe's private home on President Street - this was at a time when the Rebbe was still staying and praying in his home after the passing of his righteous wife, Rabbi Chaya Moshka (may God have mercy on her).
At the end of the prayer, as the Rebbe was walking to the second floor, Porush approached and received a radiant smile from the Rebbe; Porush was on target, shook the Rebbe's holy hand in greeting and immediately asked clearly: What is the Rebbe's answer to the question I wrote to him? The Rebbe replied in a straightforward and unambiguous manner: I have already told you that the matter is subject to the decision of the Council of Torah Elders.
What caused the turnaround?
In any case, the question arises: what happened in the end? How is it that after months of contacts that were not only not hidden from the holy and far-sighted eyes of the Rebbe but were, as mentioned, reported systematically and orderly by Rabbi Kaplan, who conducted them - what changed the picture? What justified a sharp turn in the direction of the "trip"? What could have caused the Rebbe to take an active act of explicit and public intervention in Israeli politics, in contrast to the continuous and consistent position he chose to take throughout, according to which political matters are the responsibility of the Council of Torah Sages and Chabad does not interfere?
What preceded the publicized, sudden, unequivocal meeting - of journalist Oded Ben Ami in front of the Rebbe at the distribution of dollars, and the resounding and decisive message in which the Rebbe effectively shattered Shimon Peres' dream and the concoction he had concocted with toil and sweat over a long period of time?
The turn was not only in the negative direction ("no" to Shimon Peres). In light of the open and public displeasure and disappointment that the Rebbe expressed towards Yitzhak Shamir - the Rebbe's subsequent words to encourage Ben Ami also expressed a sharp turn in his attitude towards Shamir. What can explain the change? Did Shamir retract his political actions? Did he "repent" and eliminate the circumstances that caused resentment towards him?
There is no doubt that the words that Elyakim Rubinstein heard from the Rebbe were conveyed sharply and loudly to Prime Minister Shamir. The Rebbe's tremendous influence was also clear beyond any doubt, and only a fool would think that Shamir would ignore or choose not to pay attention to the loudness of the alarm that had been sounded against him since 770.
All that remains for us to find out is what Shamir did, how did he abet the evil? What action did he take to restore trust? And most practically: what caused the Rebbe to ultimately be willing to once again express his unqualified trust in him, to the point of publicly stating that as long as there is no government in Israel - and Shamir, he and no other, stands at the helm of power - it is only for the better?
The action taken by Yitzhak Shamir immediately after being severely reprimanded by the Rebbe is known only to a few - and I am the least of them.
The fourth episode will be released on Sunday evening.
Chapter One:
35-year-old secrets revealed for the first time: The 'stinking exercise' that shook Chabad
Chapter Two:
English 
Hebrew